People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) |
Vol.
XXVI No. 51 December 29,2002 |
What
2002
Enjoins
On
Us
For
Future
MEETING
for
two
days
towards
the
year’s
end,
the
BJP’s
national
executive
concluded
on
mutually
contradictory
notes
issued
by
two
top
leaders.
While
the
prime
minister
said
Hindutva
cannot
be
the
party’s
election
plank,
evidently
his
deputy
thinks
otherwise.
Advani
said
the
BJP
can
gain
only
by
sticking
to
Hindutva,
which
the
political
resolution
passed
by
the
executive
meeting
sought
to
clothe
under
the
title
of
‘cultural
nationalism.’
THE
political
resolution
came
a
day
after
the
BJP
president,
in
himself
a
non-entity,
had
done
his
share
of
boasting:
“Gujarat
was
not
a
mere
political
victory
for
the
BJP;
it
was
a
mandate
for
the
ideology
that
has
always
held
the
nation’s
interest
as
its
core
strength.”
Yet
the
fact
is
that
even
Gujarat
victory
has
not
been
able
to
absolve
the
Parivar
of
the
sins
it
has
committed
in
the
state
and
to
overcome
the
hatred
common
people
in
the
country
have
developed
for
the
brigade.
This
explains
Venkaiah
Naidu’s
futile
attempt
to
uphold
Hindutva
and
also
demarcate
it
from
its
supposed
VHP
brand.
Thus
the
executive
meeting,
otherwise
a
lacklustre
affair,
will
be
remembered
for
repeating
the
same
blow
hot
blow
cold
tactic
which
the
Parivar
has
been
pursuing
for
a
long
time.
However,
the
meeting
indicated
that
the
BJP
has
geared
itself
into
election
mode
and
is
ready
to
launch
a
communal
offensive
in
view
of
the
11
assembly
elections
that
will
precede
the
Lok
Sabha
polls.
There
is
a
reason
for
it.
In
Gujarat
the
party
had
had
nothing
to
show
by
way
of
achievement,
and
the
same
is
true
for
the
BJP-led
regime
at
the
centre.
In
such
a
situation
the
party
has
no
option
but
to
resort
to
virulent
communalism
to
tide
over
the
discontent
its
policies
are
generating.
This
shows
what
the
talk
of
repeating
Gujarat
in
other
states
means.
This
is
the
threat
facing
the
nation.
YET
there
also
remains
the
fact
that
repeating
Gujarat
in
other
parts
of
the
country
will
not
be
as
easy
for
the
BJP
as
it
thinks.
Even
a
cursory
glance
at
the
year
2002
will
show
how
the
BJP
tried
to
play
the
communal
card
in
view
of
UP
polls
and
how
miserably
it
failed.
In
January
the
VHP
took
out
a Sankalp
Yatra
from
Ayodhya
in
a
bid
to
help
the
BJP;
this
was
in
line
with
the
threat
the
VHP
had
issued
from
the
Kumbh
mela
a
year
before.
But
the
people
of
UP
foiled
the
attempt;
the
party
came
a
poor
third
here.
Compared
to
177
seats
in
1996,
the
BJP
got
only
88
seats
in
the
assembly
and
these
included
at
least
a
dozen
members
from
smaller
parties
who
the
BJP
had
forced
to
contest
on
its
election
symbol.
Later
the
BJP
played
a
most
opportunistic
game
in
UP
to
come
to
power
from
the
backdoor,
and
continues
to
play
similar
opportunistic
games
in
order
to
retain
power.
Even
though
the
BSP-BJP
coalition
appears
to
have
lost
its
majority,
the
governor
(a
BJP
man)
is
adamantly
refusing
to
call
an
assembly
session
for
a
trial
of
strength.
As
for
the
speaker
(another
BJP
man),
he
only
knows
how
to
deprive
the
dissidents
of
their
assembly
membership.
He
played
this
trick
in
the
last
assembly
and
is
set
to
repeat
it.
Contrary
to
poll
predictions,
the
BJP
failed
to
win
Uttaranchal
also.
The
Akali-BJP
combine
fared
badly
in
Punjab
while
the
DMK,
an
NDA
partner,
failed
to
win
Pondicherry.
The
BJP
and
pro-BJP
parties
failed
in
Manipur
too.
But
perhaps
the
worst
sufferer
was
the
ruling
National
Conference;
the
people
of
Jammu
&
Kashmir
punished
it
for
its
alliance
with
the
BJP,
so
much
so
that
not
a
single
member
of
Abdullah
family
won.
The
people
of
Jammu
wrested
from
the
BJP
all
its
eight
sitting
seats;
it
won
just
one
seat
elsewhere.
In
this
respect,
the
NC’s
fate
was
the
same
as
the
AGP’s
in
Assam.
Though
the
AGP
had
deserted
the
secular
camp
on
the
eve
of
assembly
polls
last
year,
contrary
to
its
expectations,
its
alliance
with
the
BJP
had
failed
to
save
it
from
a
rout;
if
anything,
it
had
contributed
to
this
rout.
In
Goa,
the
BJP
failed
to
win
a
majority.
It
formed
a
government
only
by
purchasing
some
MLAs.
Such
mean
tricks,
whether
in
Goa
or
in
UP,
have
made
the
party
a
butt
of
ridicule
all
over
India.
THIS
sad
plight
of
the
BJP
was
no
fortuitous
development
but
a
product
of
its
policies
in
the
economic
and
other
spheres.
The
BJP
regime
at
the
centre
has
become
notorious
for
its
steps
to
harm
the
common
people’s
interests
while
benefiting
the
indigenous
and
foreign
monopolies.
Lakhs
of
small-scale
units
have
closed
down
in
the
last
four-odd
years,
adding
to
the
already
serious
unemployment
situation.
Subsidies
for
peasants
are
being
dismantled;
public
distribution
system
is
virtually
finished;
liberal
imports
of
a
large
number
of
agri-products
are
ruining
the
peasantry,
forcing
hundreds
to
commit
suicide.
Administered
prices
have
either
been
hiked
or
the
system
itself
has
been
eliminated,
leaving
the
vulnerable
sections
at
the
mercy
of
market
forces.
In
these
respects
the
BJP
has
far
surpassed
the
earlier
regimes.
At
the
same
time,
the
centre
has
progressively
reduced
the
interest
rates
on
small
savings
to
provide
cheap
credit
to
industrialists.
This
is
hitting
the
small
savers
and
threatens
to
adversely
affect
our
overall
savings
rate,
instead
of
taking
it
up.
Coming
only
a
few
months
before
the
polls
in
UP
and
other
states,
the
UTI
fiasco
hit
no
less
than
two
crore
small
savers.
In
sum,
the
BJP-led
regime
left
no
stone
unturned
to
shift
the
burden
of
economic
recession
on
to
the
poor
people’s
backs.
Now
it
is
contemplating
to
effect
retrograde
changes
in
labour
laws
in
order
to
deprive
the
working
class
of
its
hard-won
rights
and
make
protest
difficult
for
the
class.
The
BJP-led
regime
has
gone
all
out
to
saffronise
the
whole
state
apparatus.
It
has
not
spared
educational
institutions
and
textbooks
either,
in
an
attempt
to
produce
a
generation
of
bigots
who
could
serve
as
cannonfodders
in
the
Parivar’s
battle
for
a
theocratic
state.
Not
surprisingly,
as
was
nakedly
evident
in
Gujarat,
the
union
government
and
BJP-ruled
state
governments
have
been
extending
all
help
to
the
communal
forces
in
their
fratricidal
game.
As
for
foreign
policy,
the
less
said
the
better.
True
to
its
character,
the
regime
has
dismantled
our
consensual
foreign
policy.
There
was
a
time
when
India
was
regarded
as
a
leader
of
the
newly
liberated
countries
because
of
our
policy
of
non-alignment,
anti-imperialism,
support
to
liberation
movements,
and
a
striving
for
total
disarmament
to
preserve
world
peace.
But
the
sad
situation
today
is
that
our
voice
is
not
even
heard
on
world
forums.
Today
the
US
and
UK
are
itching
to
launch
another
deadly
war
against
Iraq
and
are
only
seeking
an
excuse
for
it.
In
the
Middle
East,
the
US
and
Israel
are
trying
their
best
to
drown
in
a
pool
of
blood
the
Palestinian
aspiration
for
a
homeland.
But,
contrary
to
the
situation
not
very
long
ago
when
freedom
fighters
could
count
on
India’s
support,
New
Delhi
is
conspicuous
by
its
silence.
All
this
has
only
made
the
regime
an
adjunct
of
US
imperialists,
oblivious
of
the
real
US
game
in
South
Asia.
The
way
Vajpayee
refused
to
attend
the
SAARC
summit
in
Islamabad
only
shows
how
the
regime
is
not
prepared
to
take
any
initiative
to
strengthen
this
multilateral
forum,
despite
its
obvious
importance
for
the
whole
region.
Nor
is
India
under
the
BJP
prepared
to
take
initiative
to
revive
the
Non-Aligned
Movement
(NAM)
so
as
to
help
end
the
present
unipolarity
and
make
the
world
a
more
secure
place
to
live
in.
Attacks
on
people’s
livelihood
internally
and
servility
to
the
US
externally
---this
has
thus
been
the
basic
direction
of
the
BJP’s
policies.
BUT
coming
on
top
of
all
this,
the
spate
of
scams
in
the
four-odd
years
has
exposed
the
BJP’s
tall
claims
of
being
“a
party
with
a
difference.”
All
its
talk
of
morality
in
politics
has
proved
to
be
a
sheer
humbug.
People
all
over
the
country
saw
a
former
BJP
president
taking
a
bundle
of
notes
from
decoy
arms
dealers
and
asking
for
dollars
next
time.
The
media
also
reported
how
the
present
BJP
president
cornered
large
chunks
of
land
in
his
home
state,
that
were
meant
for
SCs
and
other
weaker
sections.
Ruling
party
politicians
forced
the
UTI
to
invest
in
shaky
companies;
this
is
what
made
the
US
64
bankrupt.
Patronised
by
BJP,
men
like
Bhansali
and
Ketan
Parekh
effected
stock
scams
with
impunity.
Then
came
to
light
the
coffin
scam
and
recently
the
scandal
effected
in
allotment
of
petrol
pumps
and
LPG
outlets.
The
CAG
has
recently
indicted
the
defence
ministry
for
some
more
bungling
in
defence
purchases.
Truly,
no
regime
ever
effected
so
many
scams
in
so
short
a
time
as
the
BJP’s
regime
has
done.
In
this
regard,
the
BJP
is
really
a
party
with
a
difference.
No
less
astonishing
is
the
BJP’s
attitude
to
these
scams.
What
to
talk
of
punishing
the
culprits,
the
regime
has
done
everything
to
scuttle
a
probe
or
to
push
the
issues
under
the
carpet.
The
way
it
offered
a
job
to
the
judge
heading
the
Tehelka
probe
is
a
case
in
point;
today
no
other
judge
is
ready
to
head
the
probe.
After
a
stint
in
wilderness,
Fernandes
was
re-inducted
as
defence
minister.
Bangaroo
Laxman
was
given
a
plum
post
with
ministerial
facilities.
And
now
has
come
the
report
of
the
joint
parliamentary
committee
that
was
probing
the
UTI
and
stock
scams.
The
report
is
unique
for
its
distorted
sense
of
probity.
Despite
having
indicted
the
finance
ministry
at
least
52
times
for
these
scams,
the
JPC
had
guts
even
to
say
that
the
minister
was
innocent.
The
regime
is
now
maintaining
a
deadly
silence
after
the
Supreme
Court
indicted
it
for
having
pre-empted
a
probe
into
the
petrol
pump
scam.
HOWEVER,
even
before
the
Goa
and
J&K
polls
took
place,
the
BJP
had
well
realised
how
sticky
its
position
was
in
the
country.
Even
before
the
poll
results
in
February
were
out,
the
Sangh
Parivar
picked
up
the
heinous
Godhra
incident
to
launch
a
full-fledged
pogrom
against
Muslims.
But
the
way
this
pogrom
was
conducted
and
the
fact
that
it
continued
for
months
together,
do
indicate
that
the
Parivar
was
preparing
for
it
for
long
and
would
have
run
a
minority-killing
programme
in
any
case.
It
was
just
a
chance
that
Godhra
came
as
a
handy
excuse
for
them.
The
Parivar’s
game
plan
has
been
summed
up
thus
by
The
Statesman
editorial
on
December
25:
“It
was
only
the
realpolitik
compulsions
of
coalitions
and
an
NDA
government,
which
forced
it
to
put
Hindutva
aside.
But
they
have
never
made
any
secret
of
the
fact
that
if
they
ever
come
to
power
on
their
own
steam
it
would
be
Hindutva
all
the
way.
After
his
rath
yatra
in
1990,
the
precursor
of
Modi’s
gaurav
yatra,
L
K
Advani
had
openly
said
that
it
was
the
Ramjanmabhoomi
movement
and
the
demolition
of
the
Babri
Mosque
which
was
responsible
for
taking
the
BJP
from
a
party
of
two
MPs
to
200
MPs.
Modi
took
it
one
step
further
by
launching
a
state-sponsored
pogrom
against
Muslims,
and
adding
insult
to
injury
by
calling
them
terrorists,
anti-national
and
a
security
threat.
Musharraf
was
used
to
symbolise
Gujarati
Muslims
and
the
election
campaign
was
based
on
communal
hatred
and
polarisation
---
and
it
worked….
Real
bread
and
butter
issues
were
relegated
to
the
sidelines.”
But
this
also
spells
out
the
danger
the
nation
is
facing.
If
the
Parivar
is
talking
of
repeating
Gujarat
in
other
states,
it
is
just
a
move
to
relegate
the
“real
bread
and
butter
issues
to
the
sidelines”
and
to
tide
over
the
discontent
the
BJP’s
policies
continue
to
generate.
An
intensification
of
the
communal
drive
in
the
days
to
come
cannot
be
ruled
out.
This
makes
the
choice
before
secular
forces
clear;
they
have
no
option
but
to
take
the
monster
of
communalism
head
on.
This
requires
that
they
come
together
to
put
up
a
united
fight
against
the
danger
and
give
the
message
that,
whatever
their
differences
in
other
spheres,
the
secular
camp
is
one
in
fighting
the
threat
to
our
national
unity.
At
the
same
time,
the
masses
have
to
be
mobilised
on
their
“real
bread
and
butter
issues.”
Tactics
like
“soft
Hinduism”
will
be
suicidal.
What
we
need
is
a
secular
offensive.
Nothing
less
will
do.
As
for
us,
the
17th
party
congress
---
one
of
the
major
events
of
the
year
going
out
---
has
already
shown
the
way
by
evolving
a
suitable
tactical
line
in
the
complicated
situation
of
today.
By
stressing
on
the
need
of
joint
actions
on
mass
issues
where
possible
and
independent
actions
otherwise,
the
party
congress
has
paved
the
way
for
an
intensification
of
resistance
to
the
regime
and
its
masters
abroad.
The
tactic
is
also
showing
results
in
form
of
increased
activity.
Defending
the
nation’s
unity,
economic
sovereignty
and
prestige
has
to
be
a
major
part
of
our
work.
The
NDA’s
non-BJP
non-Sena
parties
too
have
to
realise
the
threat.
Two
of
them,
the
JD(U)
and
DMK,
have
taken
exception
to
the
talk
of
repeating
Gujarat
in
other
parts.
But
is
this
sufficient?
It
is
in
fact
these
parties
that
are
propping
up
the
BJP
rule.
Nay,
their
supine
behaviour
has
even
emboldened
the
BJP
so
much
that
it
has
no
care
for
other
NDA
parties.
Neither
their
views
about
the
policies
to
be
followed
are
given
any
weight,
nor
were
their
pleas
heeded
whenever
the
cabinet
was
expanded;
today
as
many
as
58
ministers
out
of
77
belong
to
the
BJP.
And
what
have
these
parties
got
in
return?
Nothing
but
an
erosion
of
their
mass
base,
as
the
polls
held
in
the
last
four-odd
years
show.
The
National
Conference
has
already
suffered
humiliation
for
aligning
with
the
BJP,
and
so
has
the
AGP.
The
choice
before
the
NDA
parties
too
is
clear,
and
they
cannot
dodge
their
responsibility
towards
the
nation
in
this
regard.