EDITORIAL

 Strengthen People’s Movement, Consolidate the Republic

PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY greets its readers on the occasion of our republic day.

We are observing the 55th anniversary of the Indian republic in a milieu that is distinctly different from the times when we observed its golden jubilee.

Five years ago, in 2000, as humanity was transiting into the third millennium, we in India were in the midst of a grim battle to safeguard the republic from the efforts of the communal forces to undermine it. The Indian republic, then, was truly “under siege.” The RSS/BJP’s declared efforts to transform the secular democratic character of the republic into their conception of a fascistic “Hindu Rashtra” reached menacing proportions when they controlled the reins of state power.  Through these columns, we then had repeatedly highlighted the various dimensions of this menace. Hence emerged the imperative to ensure that the BJP led NDA does not return to power in the 2004 general elections.

Having done so, the Indian people have created the opportunity where we can move forward from mere safeguarding the republic to consolidating it. This is absolutely imperative given the fact that it would be foolhardy to presume that the 2004 verdict eliminates the communal challenge. A battle has been won but the war continues. This has been more than adequately demonstrated in the past few months when the RSS/BJP have openly declared intention to “return to the basics,” i e, sharpen communal polarisation. It is a welcome relief that the people have not responded the way the communal forces had hoped --- whether on the Sankaracharya issue, tiranga yatra, Afzal Khan’s tomb demolition, Savarkar issue etc etc. However, such efforts will obviously intensify. Hence, it is necessary to urgently embark on the consolidation of our republic. For, every advance in such consolidation constitutes, in that very measure, a retreat of the communal offensive.

The Indian republic was founded, as enshrined in our constitution, on four pillars, i e, secular democracy, federalism, social justice and economic self-reliance. The present opportunity must be utilised to strengthen each one of these foundational pillars.

Indian ruling classes take secularism to mean equal treatment of all religions by the state. This is inadequate, as in the Indian context some are more equal than the others. Further, in a situation where there is an overwhelming majority of one denomination amid various relatively small minorities, equal treatment for all necessarily gravitates towards a preferential treatment of the majority. The protection of minority rights requires a special extra effort by the state. This cannot be left to be exercised by the subjective articulation of a particular government. It will have to be institutionalised. 

Hence the need to strictly adhere to the definition of secularism as the separation of religion from state and politics. At the same time, the state  must scrupulously adhere to guaranteeing the right to every citizen to choose and propagate his/her religion or remain agnostic or atheist. 

Such guarantee of the rights of particularly the religious minorities, as given in our constitution, establishes that secularism and democracy are integrally intertwined in the Indian context. Hence the communal onslaught against secularism is simultaneously a fascist onslaught against democracy.  Given that India’s diversity extends much beyond religion --- to linguistics, ethnicity, traditions, customs, culture etc --- any guarantee of rights cannot be confined to religion alone. It necessarily has to extend to protecting all minorities and giving them universal access to equal opportunities.

While this is true for all areas of India’s divergence, the provision of equal opportunities with a preferential treatment for those sections who remain socially oppressed for centuries, like Dalits, becomes an important duty of the state. The issue of social justice, thus, remains integrally linked to democracy and hence to secular democracy.

With the UPA government assuming office and the Common Minimum Programme declaring the intention to extend the job reservations to the private sector, an important consolidation of this foundational pillar is on the cards.  However, much more in terms of implementing the already existing provisions need to be done. This has to be taken up in right earnest. Especially because the policies of liberalisation have narrowed the public sector/government job opportunities and the acute agrarian crisis is claiming its victims mostly from these sections.

In this context, it must be noted that, apart from strengthening India’s capacities to face the predatory onslaught of globalisation, economic self-reliance has a direct impact on India’s unity and integrity. Given the vastness of our country, a balanced economic development of different regions is possible through state intervention only, by locating industries and economic activities. This was, to an extent, done in the past.  Wit the present dispensation of leaving everything to the ‘market,’ the trend is towards the prosperity of already developed regions at the expense of the less developed ones. These, in fact, are becoming more backward.

This has the danger of feeding regional chauvinism resulting in the demands for separate smaller states. This has a grave disruptionist potential, as we are already experiencing in many parts of the country. Hence the consolidation of the Indian republic requires an immediate attention to be paid to this aspect.

The demand for smaller states and division of the existing states has the danger of abandoning the linguistic basis for states’ reorganisation. After bitter struggles and long debates, independent India reorganised its states on this principle.  Abandoning this will bring to the surface many aspects --- backwardness, tribal character, religious, casteist etc etc --- which can have disastrous consequences for our country’s unity and integrity.

It must be borne in mind that the consolidation of the Indian republic took place with the integration of over 550 princely states with the then British colonial India.  The rights of various linguistic states were guaranteed by the federal structure enshrined in our constitution. The constitution defines our country as the “Union of Indian States.” Centre-state relations must, therefore, be strengthened on the basis of earlier recommendations. The Common Minimum Programme has promised to set up a commission to look into this aspect. This needs to be undertaken in right earnest.

Thus, given the present opportunity the Indian people have created, like we gave ourselves the constitution, the consolidation of the republic must be urgently and systematically undertaken. People’s movements must be built to ensure this.  Squandering this opportunity would mean an abdication of our responsibility --- a grave anti-patriotic act in today’s context. Indian people have to ensure that this does not happen.